Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy says he has a plan to defeat Russia. He's in Washington on Thursday to discuss this plan with President Biden. New York Mayor Eric Adams has been indicted, according to media reports, and Florida braces for the impact of Hurricane Helene.
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Today's episode of Up First was edited by Rebecca Rosman, Andrea de Leon, Russell Lewis, HJ Mai and Ally Schweitzer. It was produced by Iman Maani, Nia Dumas, Brianna Joseph and Mansee Khurana. We get engineering support from Stacey Abbott, and our technical director is Zac Coleman.
For now, Israel’s moves seem to be posturing, a means to intimidate Hizbullah into backing down. But there remains a prospect of a ground invasion—and another pointless war. Our swing-state series starts with a state that only recently became swing-y: North Carolina (10:08). And a look back at a year’s worth of Economist Podcasts+ audio journalism (19:15).
In which the toy market is revolutionized by a faddish stuffed animal that would be priceless today if it hadn't disappeared, and John buys the concept of a rabbit. Certificate #24398.
Gen Z is over it. The youngest generation of adults is inheriting a climate crisis, the ongoing fallout from a global pandemic, a polarized political landscape, and a tenuous economic reality. And many Gen Z members, a generation more likely to identify as progressive than conservative, are ready for something to give.
Enter: Gen Z for Change — a youth-led non-profit that brands itself as, "the place where the creator economy and progressive politics intersect on social media." The group leverages a hundreds-deep network of social media creators to spread calls to action over TikTok. They've also pulled on the programming expertise within their team to develop a caché of semi-automatic tools that take the guesswork out of engaging with their political agenda.
Their latest tool, "Ceasefire Now!!" takes these efforts one step further — resulting in, by Gen Z for Change's count, two million emails calling for a ceasefire in Gaza hitting the inboxes of elected representatives in Washington every day.
Bonds are a way for state and local governments raise money for projects—things like schools, infrastructure, or transportation. In part 4 of our Prop Fest series, a collaboration between Bay Curious and The Bay, we talk about Proposition 5. Prop 5 would lower the voting threshold to pass local bonds from two-thirds (66.67%) down to 55%—but only for bonds related to affordable housing and public infrastructure projects. It sounds pretty straightforward, but as we find out from reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi, it could have wider implications for taxpayers.
Editor's Note: This episode has been updated from a previous version to clarify ramifications of Proposition 13.
This story was reported by Adhiti Bandlamudi. Bay Curious is made by Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, and Ana De Almeida Amaral. The Bay is made by Alan Montecillo, Ericka Cruz Guevarra and Jessica Kariisa. Additional support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, and the whole KQED family.
Polish immigrants came to Chicago to make a living, and for a time, they got to hang out every weekend with some of Poland’s biggest stars at a small club in the city.
In this episode, Ryan T. Anderson joins Rusty Reno at The Editor’s Desk to talk about his article, “The Way Forward After Dobbs” from the October 2024 print edition of the magazine. Please subscribe to the magazine at www.firstthings.com/subscribe in order to access this and many other great pieces!
Last week, a man armed with an assault rifle was apprehended on a southern Florida golf course. He was planning to murder Donald Trump on the links. It was the second near miss in two months. It seems likely that the shooter, Ryan Routh, was acting alone. But he is not alone in the hatred he has for Trump. He shares that with millions of Americans. In many people’s eyes, the 45th president of the United States is an existential threat to our republic. And ever since Trump won the Republican nomination for president in 2016, his opponents have treated him as such.
They were shocked because Trump broke many of the rules of modern politics. From the minor to the unprecedentedly major. This dynamic between Trump and his haters has changed the chemistry of American politics. In 2016, Trump shocked the country when he led rallies where his adoring fans chanted, “Lock her up.” Eight years later, crowds chant “Lock him up” at Kamala Harris’s rallies. In this respect, Routh is part of a larger problem that is tearing our country apart. When the other side vying for power is considered so beyond the pale, the norms of political decorum and fairness are worth breaking to stop an opponent that threatens our very system. You hear it from both parties. Trump is an “extinction-level event.” If Kamala wins, our country will become “Venezuela on steroids.”
One escalation begets the next, until the old customs and rules of our politics have changed forever. We take it for granted today that we settle our elections with voting and not shooting. But republics don’t last forever. And when they fall, violence almost always follows.
What leads a republic to choose the gun over the ballot? Because it doesn’t happen all at once, at least if history is any guide. In ancient Rome, the rule-breaking of one man—and the response of his enemies—created a crisis from which the Roman republic never really recovered. His name was Tiberius Gracchus. And while they were different in many ways, he was the Donald Trump of his day.
Tiberius, like Trump, was an elite who turned on the elites, a class traitor who channeled the resentments and anger of the common man against a system rigged against him. Both men disregarded the unwritten political rules of their era. And, in turn, those norm violations prompted their enemies to disregard the rules themselves. In Rome, this cycle led to bloodshed and eventually the death of the republic itself.
In America, we remain a republic, for now, but the cycle of escalations between Trump and his opponents strains our foundations like no political crisis since the civil war. Today, Eli Lake explains what the beginning of the end of the Roman republic tells us about the fate of our own republic.
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Remember the bleach drinking episode? Remember ‘alternative facts’? Remember ‘I have the best words’? These elements of the Trump presidency spoke to a fundamental part of his politics: truth and science were not prime among his considerations. Given this, one may assume that academics would have been especially unlikely to be drawn to the Trump presidency.
Yet, in his fascinating book The Academic Trumpists: Radicals against Liberal Democracy (Routledge, 2024), David Swartz outlines a group of public intellectuals who supported, and largely continue to support, Trump. These 109 Academic Trumpists are not marginal to American academia but rather can be found in middle to high-ranking schools and sometimes have backgrounds in elite institutions. Swartz demonstrates however how they cluster in particular disciplines and institutions and make use of a significant network of populist conservative thinktanks. By comparing these Trumpists with 89 conservative professors who are anti-Trump, Swartz is able to show the distinctive political positions the Trumpists adopt, especially concerning ‘liberal’ campus culture and the appeal of Trump as a ‘wrecking ball’. This populist politics and their distinct networks differ them from their conservative peers who see Trump as a threat and fundamentally not conservative.
In our conversation we discuss who these academic Trumpists are, the details of their positioning and why, despite everything, they continue to support Trump. We also consider what possibility there maybe for an allegiance between liberal and anti-Trump conservative professors in the US.